I think that maybe Dan Froomkin needs to work on his reading comprehension a bit:
At his press conference this morning, President Bush tried to redefine the debate about the war in Iraq.
“Sometimes the debate over Iraq is cast as a disagreement between those who want to keep our troops in Iraq and those who want to bring our troops home,” he said. “And this is not the real debate. I don’t know anyone who doesn’t want to see the day when our brave service men and women can start coming home. . . .
“The real debate over Iraq is between those who think the fight is lost or not worth the cost and those who believe the fight can be won, and that, as difficult as the fight is, the costs of defeat would be far higher.”
On a literal level, at least, Bush is wrong. The current debate in Congress is precisely about whether U.S. troops should start coming home soon or whether they should stay in Iraq until some ill-defined and potentially unattainable goals are met.
Bush: “This debate is not about whether we want our troops to come home.”
Froomkin: “Bush is wrong! This debate is about whether we want our troops to come home soon.”
Either Froomkin doesn’t see the difference between the two statements, or he’s being disingenuous here.
Bush may not be right — some of his remaining supporters assert that the problem is not that Democrats don’t believe the strategy is working, but that they fear it is, since a working strategy now would mean disaster for their defeatist rhetoric over the last several months — but if we take everyone’s stated positions as true, he’s absolutely correct.
Either a) you believe the fight is lost or it’s not worth the cost, and therefore the troops may as well come home now, or b) you believe it can still be won, and it is worth the cost, and though you want the troops home now, you feel it is still too early. That is the core of the debate, and Froomkin even seems to understand that with the rest of the piece. He just takes an unfounded dig at Bush early in his piece.
Most Americans don’t believe that [we are making security progress that will enable the political track to succeed as well] anymore, however, and their beliefs are supported by a growing mountain of evidence. Even the White House’s own progress report, released today, provides little cause for hope.
Dafydd ab Hugh, as I’ve said before, believes that the preliminary assessment of Iraq’s benchmarks does provide cause for hope, and he does a pretty good job proving his case.
Asked why Americans should trust his vision for Iraq, given all the mistakes he has made thus far, Bush essentially blamed his commanders — but then said that Americans should trust him because he relies on his commanders.
From the transcript that Froomkin linked before, I think that’s an unfair assessment of what Bush says, but let’s assume it’s not.
Let’s keep in mind that until January 2007, the commander in question here was General George Casey, and that in January, General David Petraus was appointed Commanding General of the multinational force in Iraq to lead the United States forces. He testified before Congress, described his plan for more troops and a change to classic counterinsurgency doctrine, and was unanimously confirmed by Congress. In May, Congress enacted legislation that requires Petraeus to report to them in September so they can assess his progress with the change in strategy (at the time, he said there were “astonishing signs of normalcy” in Baghdad).
The commander that was leading our troops when the mistakes made “thus far” were made is not the same commander in charge now.
(Incidentally, for those who believe there’s been no progress in Iraq and don’t care about the benchmarks, here it is in graphic form.)
Someone with more patience than I might go through and tear apart the rest of Froomkin’s piece, but it really doesn’t get better.